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AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXERCISES 

V I IHK 

CELEBRATION 

OF 

The One Hundredth Anniversary 



Inauguration of Oik First President, 
George W \shingtoisf, 

D kT IHK 

MEETING-HOUSE OF Tli; FIRST PARISH, IN BEVERLY, 

MASSACHUSETTS, 

April 3 f , A.. D. 1889, 



£ mi 

.3 zi 



Rev. O. T. Lanphear, D. D. 

Dear Sir : — For ourselves as well as in behalf of the citizens 
of Beverly we thank you for your very appropriate and elo- 
quent address on this one hundredth anniversary of the 
inauguration of our first president — George Washington. 

The foundation principles on which our Republican form of 
government was established, as advocated by Washington and 
the galaxy of patriotic statesmen who surrounded and upheld 
him — among whom our own town was honored — were so 
ably set forth in your address as binding upon every American 
citizen of to-day, whether native or adopted, not only deserves 
it a place in our libraries for the great future, but in every 
household of to-day as well. 

To attain this object, we, the undersigned, respectfully 
request of you a copy of your address for publication. 



E. C. Butler, 
Lyman D. Bragg, 
Edward L. Giddings, 
A. N. Clark, 
John I. Baker, 
Charles H. Kilham, 
James A. Marsters, 
William H. Lovett, 
Roland W. Boyden, 
Edmund Giles, Jr., 
Josiah F. Bradstreet, 
Francis Norwood, 
John H. Woodberry, 
Charles Woodberry, 

Beverly, April 30, 1889. 



Augustus Stevens, 
G. I. South, 
Horace W. Woodberry, 
George Rouudy, 
John Girdler, 
Francis J. Crowell, 
Octavius Howe, 
J. L. Morse, 
Sherrod Souie, 
Horace P. Foster, 
Freeborn W. Cressy, 
John B. Hill, 
Charles F. Lee. 



2 Writ 

/ /I 



Rev. E. C. Butler, Freeborn W. Cressy, Esq., Chair- 
man of the Board of Selectmen, and Others. 
Gentlemen : — I have the honor to have received your favor, 

asking for publication a copy of my address delivered on the 

one hundredth anniversary of the inauguration of our first 

president — George Washington. 

If the address can serve the purpose which you are pleased 

to intimate, though in the humblest degree, I do not feel at 

liberty to withhold it, and so please find a copy of it at your 

disposal. 

Orpheus T. Lanphear. 
Beverly, May 3, 1889. 




DR. LANP HEARS ADDRESS. 



Brethren and Friends, Citizens of the Greatest Republic, 
in History : — In order to obtain a suitable impression from 
this centennial commemoration, it has been thought best that 
we should recall to mind the condition of affairs immediately 
preceding, and at the time of the inauguration of our first 
President. At the outset, it seems appropriate to the occasion 
to inquire, what is essential to the founding of a nation in 
order to secure the best things for its people, and to insure its 
perpetuity — in a word, what constitutes a State ? To this 
question I conceive that no better answer can be given than 
what is contained in the lines, 

"Men, high-minded men, 
Men who their duties know — 
But know their rights, and knowing dare maintain." 

Such men constitute the State. Without them there is no 
State, worthy of the name. In knowing their duties, they 
understand and acknowledge their duty to God, and their duty 
to their fellow-men. Upon this knowledge they found their 
bill of rights, with all that courage and daring, whether in 
council or arms, which may be necessary to maintain their 
rights. By referring to secular history, we should find : that 
ancient States and Republics were true in proportion as they 
were constituted by men, who, according to the best knowl- 
edge they had, reverenced God, so they might deal justly with 
their fellow-men : that the noblest statesmen and orators were 
never so grand as when, like Tully, they denounced conspiracy 
and all crime, and argued for human rights and virtue by 
appeal to the immortal Gods : that if the permanent state has 
not yet been achieved, it has been because of the failure to 
secure the succession of such men : that if now there is any 
ground to hope for the permanence of the United States, it is 
as Phillips, the distinguished Irish orator, said more than half 
a century ago, that while heretofore the rise and fall of nations 



had been illustrated by the tumultuous surface of the sea, in 
which if a billow rose high it was but to fall as low, if it struck 
its neighboring billow it was but to be dashed in its turn, if it 
moved tranquilly on the surface it was but to fall forever by 
the force of gravitation, — now, however, there was hope in 
America for a permanent State in the high-minded men who 
were its founders, of whom Washington was chief, and in the 
hope that his character with that of his associates would be 
emulated by their successors. 

If, turning from secular history, we should refer to the sacred 
word, we should find the same truth in the brief but compre- 
hensive declaration : — " The nation and kingdom that will not 
serve Thee, O God, shall perish: yea those nations shall be 
utterly wasted." Such nations develop in themselves suicidal 
forces, by throwing off the restraints of justice, equity and 
love as they inhere in the law of God, whence by divisions, 
corruption, conspiracy and anarchy they are wasted by their 
own misrule. 

In this view, the devotional services in New York on the 
morning of the thirtieth of April, 1789, assume the utmost im- 
portance. We turn to the record with the most intense interest, 
when we learn that, — " At nine o'clock in the morning, there 
were religious services in all the churches, and prayers put up for 
the blessing of Heaven on the new government." An air of 
solemnity pervades the ceremonies that follow, as at twelve 
o'clock the city troops paraded at Washington's door, and at 
half-past twelve the procession having been formed moved 
forward to the hall of inauguration. There the Vice-President, 
John Adams, recently inaugurated, advances and conducts 
Washington to a chair of state at the upper end of the room. A 
solemn silence prevails, when the Vice-President rises and in- 
forms Washington that all things are prepared for him to take 
the oath of office required by the constitution. At the ap- 
pointed hour Washington accompanied by the various public 
functionaries coming upon the balcony where the oath was to 
be taken, sees before him an immense multitude, occupying 
the street, the windows, and even the roofs of the adjacent 
houses, who hail him with universal shouts. He comes to the 



front of the balcony, lays his hand upon his heart, bows several 
times, then retires to an arm-chair, by which the populace seem 
to understand that the scene has overcome him, and are hushed 
into profound silence. After a few moments Washington 
rises and again comes forward, with the Vice-President, John 
Adams, standing on his right ; on his left, the Chancellor of 
State, Robert R. Livingston ; somewhat in the rear are Roger 
Sherman, Alexander Hamilton, Generals Knox and St. Clair, 
Baron Steuben and others. 

As the Chancellor advances to administer the oath, Mr. 
Otis, the secretary of the Senate, holds up the Bible on its 
crimson cushion, open, on which the hand of Washington 
rests, while the oath is read slowly and distinctly, and at the 
close of which he solemnly replies, " I swear — so help me 
God ! " While Mr. Otis would raise the Bible to his lips, he 
bends down reverently and kisses it. 

Then, the Chancellor steps forward, waves his hand, and 
exclaims, "Long live George Washington, President of the 
United States ! " Instantly a flag is displayed on the cupola 
of the hall, at which signal there is a general discharge of 
artillery on the battery, all the bells in the city ring out a 
joyful peal, and the multitude rend the air with acclama- 
tions. 

Washington again bows to the people and returning into 
the Senate Chamber delivers his inaugural address, after 
which he proceeds with the whole assembly on foot to St. 
Paul's Church, where prayers suited to the occasion are read 
by Dr. Prevost, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in 
New York, who had been appointed by the Senate one of the 
chaplains of Congress. 

Thus with the thunder of civic acclamation, and the earth- 
quake from deep-mouthed cannon, there was felt and heard as 
by Elijah at Horeb, that which alone gives security and 
efficiency to human institutions — the still small voice of 
God. 

That there was special need of supplicating the divine aid 
in behalf of the nation on this occasion, appears from what 
had transpired after the close of the war. More than six 



6 

years had passed since Washington bade farewell to the 
army, and retired to Mount Vernon in the hope of spending 
the remainder of his life in the peace and tranquillity of home. 
But such was his solicitude for the prosperity of the general 
government which he had assisted to raise, that he could not 
look upon passing events in connection with it without great 
anxiety. The confederation of the States which had bound 
them together during the Revolution, under the pressure of 
external danger, was now proving every day to be more and 
more incompetent, for the purposes of a national government. 
The system of credit which Congress had devised to provide 
for the national expenditures and the extinction of national 
debts, was neglected by some States, and opposed by others, 
each consulting its local interests and prejudices, instead of 
the interests and obligations of the whole. Treaty stipulations, 
which bound the good faith of the whole, were slighted, if not 
violated, by individual States, as if unconscious that they must 
each share in the discredit thus brought upon the national 
name. The anxiety of Washington on account of this state of 
affairs appears in his letters. In writing to James Warren, 
formerly president of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, 
he says : — " The Confederation appears to me to be little 
more than a shadow without the substance. The wheels of 
government are clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that 
high expectation which was entertained of us by the wonder- 
ing world are turned into astonishment : and from the high 
ground on which we stood we are descending into the vale of 
confusion and darkness." In answer to a letter from Jay, 
Washington coincided with him in the opinion that, as Jay 
expressed it, " Our affairs seem to lead to some crisis, some- 
thing that I cannot foresee or conjecture. I am uneasy and 
apprehensive, more so than during the war. Then we had a 
fixed object, and though the means and the time of obtaining 
it were problematical, yet I did firmly believe that we 
should ultimately succeed, because I did firmly believe that 
justice was with us. The case is now altered. We are going 
and doing wrong, and therefore I look forward to evils and 
calamities." To this Washington adds, " We have errors to 



correct. We have probably bad too good an opinion of human 
nature in forming our Confederation. Experience has taugbt 
us that men will not adopt and carry into execution, measures 
tbe best calculated for their own good, without the interven- 
tion of coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long 
as a nation, without lodging, somewhere, a power which will 
pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner as the 
authority of the State governments extends over the several 
States." 

Writing to Madison, Washington says, " How melancholy 
the reflexion, that in so short a time we should have made 
such large strides towards fulfilling the predictions of our 
transatlantic foes ! ' Leave them to themselves, and their 
government will soon dissolve ! ' Thirteen sovereignties 
pulling against each other, and all tugging at the federal head, 
will soon bring ruin on the whole ; whereas, a liberal and 
energetic constitution, well-checked and well-watched, to 
prevent encroachments, might restore us to that degree of 
respectability and consequence to which we had the fairest 
prospect of attaining." 

These views to which Washington gave expression with 
great modesty, and for the most part in response to similar 
opinions from other statesmen and patriots, led to the call of 
the constitutional convention which began its session the 25th 
of May, 1787, which after occupying from four to seven hours 
each day for four months, completed the formation of the 
Constitution of the United States which with some amend- 
ments still exists. 

The constitution having been ratified by a sufficient num- 
ber of States, an act was passed by Congress, the 13th of 
September, appointing the first Wednesday in January, 1789, 
to choose electors of a president. 

On learning of the result, Washington expressed his feel- 
ings with that solemn and religious faith in the protection of 
heaven, which was manifested by him in all the trials and 
vicissitudes through which his country had passed. Writing 
to Jonathan Trumbull he said, " We may with a kind of 
pious and grateful exultation, trace the finger of Providence 



through those dark and mysterious events, which first induced 
the States to appoint a general convention, and then led them, 
one after another, by such steps as were best calculated to 
effect the object, into an adoption of the system recommended 
by the general convention." 

Upon the adoption of the Federal Constitution, it was a 
source of new anxiety to Washington, to be told that in order 
" to perpetuate a nation formed under his auspices, it was 
certain that again he would be called forth, and to serve as the 
first President." As he had served as President of the Con- 
stitutional Convention with great reluctance, so now with 
emphasis he says, " At my time of life, the increasing in- 
firmities of nature, and the growing love of retirement do not 
permit me to entertain a wish beyond that of living and dying 
an honest man on my own farm. " 

And yet under the conviction of duty he accepts the 
presidency, and though his journey from Mount Vernon to 
New York for the inauguration, was one continued ovation, his 
feelings seem touched with sadness. Not but that he is grateful 
for kind attentions. The present as contrasted with the past stirs 
him with conflicting emotions. Peculiarly was this the case on 
reaching Trenton. It seems but a little while since that 
gloomy night when there at the head of the army, with the 
camp-fires of Cornwallis in front of him : the Delaware full 
of floating ice in the rear, and his sudden resolve on that 
midnight retreat which turned the fortunes of the campaign. 
But now, on the bridge, crossing that eventful stream, the ladies 
of Trenton had caused the erection of a triumphal arch, en- 
twined with evergreens and laurels, bearing the inscription 
— "The defender of the mothers will be the protector of 
the daughters." 

In respect to his reception at New York, Washington 
had signified that none could be so congenial to his feelings as 
a quiet entry devoid of ceremony, but his modest wishes were 
not complied with. But the triumphant entry into New York 
in some respects served to depress rather than excite him. In 
the presidency he was to cope with new duties, in respect 
to which the result was not clear. The Federal government 



9 

was to be proved practically as to its working in the apprehen- 
sion of the people. They might be disappointed at no distant 
period in the future, and on this account he was overwhelmed 
by what he regarded as proofs of public expectation. Noting 
in his diary the events of the day, he writes, "The loud ac- 
clamation of the people as I passed along filled my mind with 
sensations as painful (considering the reverse of this scene, 
which may be the case, after all my labors to do good) as they 
are pleasing." That Washington had the courage nevertheless 
to assume the manifest duty of the hour, distrusting his own 
abilities, but trusting supremely in God for guidance, proves 
him to have been of that company of high-minded men, needful 
to constitute the State. 

Among this class of men we do not hesitate to speak of him 
as the chief. Hugh McCulloch is right in saying that "No 
name is so conspicuous in the world's history as George Wash- 
ington. Of no other man has it been literally true that he was 
first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his coun- 
trymen." There are those, undoubtedly, who have expressed 
a different opinion. It has been said that Washington was 
indebted, for all that distinguished him, to good luck ; it 
was good-fortune more than any thing that he had achieved 
that gave him the chief military command, and so onward. 
This depreciation is founded in the philosophy that, the times 
make the men, which is as false as the counter statement that 
men make the times. Human greatness results from the 
interaction of the two. If greatness be not potential in the 
man, no fortune of the times can develop it ; for the soil of 
the times, however rich, will not produce figs from the seed of 
thistles. It might please the conceit of envious, ambitious 
mediocrity, to think that it could have equalled or surpassed 
Washington in greatness, with his luck as to time ; but the con- 
ceit is as vain as the philosophy on which it rests. 

When told that Washington was slow and plodding, that he 
evinced no skill in arms from the lack of winning splendid 
victories, and that if he had lived in England he might possibly 
have become the Colonel of a regiment, we repel the aspersion 
by saying that brilliant victories in which the enemy is driven 



10 

from the field by assault, are won by those generals who have 
received splendid outfits in men, and equipments, who for this 
reason are not so worthy to be accounted men of military genius, 
as the general who with raw troops, poorly equipped, and 
without pay, by making the most of his resources through 
delay, retreat, skirmish, and the policy of defense rather than 
of attack, by unfaltering persistence, at length wears out 
and vanquishes his enemy in spite of his superiority in numbers 
and wealth of equipment. In the attainment of this most 
difficult piece of military art, Washington has but one peer in 
history — that old Roman, Fabius Maximus, who saved the 
Roman Republic, and put to confusion and shame the Car- 
thaginian Army. In this view, it is not surprising that 
Frederick the Great should have sent a sword to Washington 
with the famous inscription, "From the oldest General in 
Europe to the greatest General in the world." 

This, however, is not the time to repel unjust criticism of 
Washington, further than to caution the rising generation 
against the arts of those who disparage the republic no less 
than its first president, and who from appearances would willing- 
ly transplant the civil and ecclesiastical despotism of the old 
world, to American soil. 

Besides Washington there were other men of the same spirit, 
associated with him in council, and also in each of the states. 
This ancient church edifice, erected in 1770, through whatever 
changes it has passed in furnishing and embellishment, speaks to 
us to-day from the beam in its walls and roof-tree, of the men 
who gathered here a century ago, whose names ought to be 
mentioned in this celebration, in this place, in illustration 
of our theme. 

There was the Pastor of this church, Joseph Mclvean, the 
accomplished scholar, of unwearied industry in the promotion 
of science and religion, who in the language of his eulogist, 
William Jenks, was a stranger to deceit, whose language 
was ever the expression of his feelings, whose peculiar excel- 
lency seemed to be a sound discriminating judgment, and 
who made a strong impression on the political events of the 
time. 



11 

Here was George Cabot, whose comprehensive views of 
Statesmanship had been promoted by his observations of society 
in foreign countries ; who from his contributions to the pros- 
perity of the United States gave occasion for Burke's eulogy 
on the enterprise and intelligence of New England navigators ; 
the first to display profound acquaintance with the principles 
of political economy, before the works of Adam Smith were 
known in this country, and twenty years before Say, the 
distinguished Frenchman, and other continental writers had 
formed any correct ideas ; the confidential friend of Washington 
and Hamilton ; the wise, calm and considerate counsellor ; 
a member of the convention called to deliberate on the adop- 
tion of the Federal constitution ; a firm believer in the divine 
authority of the Christian revelation, and punctually at- 
tended on all the Christian ordinances, never backward to 
profess and maintain his religious convictions, though his 
Christianity was more in his heart than on his lips. 

Here too were those eminent merchants, Israel Thorndike, 
Moses Brown, Joseph Lee, and John Stephens, all distinguished 
for their energy in business and for their patriotism. 

Here also was Nathan Dane, the distinguished lawyer, a 
member of the old Congress ; author of the celebrated ordinance 
for the exclusion of involuntary servitude in the vast regions 
northwest of the Ohio, of which Webster said that he doubted, 
" Whether one single law of any law-giver ancient or modern 
had produced effects of a more distinct, and marked, and 
lasting character ; " the author of the " Digest of American 
Law ; " a theologian, and Christian, who during more than 
fifty years sj)ent his Sabbaths — excepting the hours of public 
worship, which he constantly attended — in theological studies* 
making as he reckoned it between seven and eight years given 
to the subject ; the man of method in all his work and of 
tremendous industry; when no longer able to hear public 
speaking on account of deafness, Mr. Dane continued to be 
punctual in church attendance, depending on a friend to 
indicate the text to him, upon which he preached to himself* 
while the minister preached to the congregation. 

Here too was Joshua Fisher, the eminent physician ; the 



12 

lover of natural science ; who shrank with horror from moral 
taint ; a patriot, taking an active part in politics as the inti- 
mate friend and associate of George Cabot ; and of Fisher 
Ames, one of the great orators of the revolution. 

Beverly had other distinguished patriots preceding and 
following the date which we commemorate. I mention these 
because in 1789 they were to be seen here on any Sabbath, 
within these walls, under this roof. To these, and such men 
as these, in those thirteen states, belongs the credit under 
God, that we were constituted a State, with a national unity, 
one and indivisible. By giving us such men, God gave us 
nationality. These men, with Washington, held a profound, 
and what may properly be called a serious view of right law. 
To them, law had a higher source than the mere expediency, 
or utility of the hour, according to which law might be one 
thing to-day, and another thing to-morrow, without per- 
manent moral force. Nor to them, did law originate in the 
vision of human genius, however that genius might be dis- 
tinguished in discovering the fit applications of law in the 
forms of constitution and statute. To them, law in its 
essence had its source in the divine mind, and its moral 
force in the divine will, and in this regard, therefore, right 
law was immutable. It could not, therefore, be authenticated 
by a Congress, or abolished by a convention ; but both, in 
order to accomplish permanence of right influence, and valua- 
ble achievement, must rest in law, as antecedent to their ex- 
istence, and in force when they shall have passed away. 

In harmony with this view of law, these men had a pro- 
found conception of politics. Not as a piece of legerdemain 
to see who should get into office, what party should gain the 
ascendant, or what policy should enrich a section; but to seek 
the benefit of the whole, and not to allow of any right or 
privilege to the individual which should operate to the public 
damage ; this was to be the aim of polities, in respect to which, 
whatever differences of opinion or party there might be, 
would concern the method of applying the principles of right, 
justice and equity to the body politic and not to any de- 
parture from these principles in themselves. If it be asked 



13 

then how it came to pass that our republic should have 
differed so much from some of the South American States 
with their counter revolutions, or from the attemped republic 
of France with its periodic revolutions ; the answer must be 
that it was because the men who constituted our State, were 
loyal to principles which frowned on selfishness, whether of 
an individual or a party, who claimed no sanction for a 
measure other than the public good, and no guarantee but 
that of everlasting right. Other men having rendered their 
service in the army, might have conspired against the repub- 
lic in the hope of setting up a monarchy, and wearing its 
crown, but our Washington would not do that, nor would any 
of our patriots. 

This day calls us to observe that these men furnish us with 
models for careful study in order to right progress. There is 
a kind of progress which finds no wisdom in the past, and is 
puffed up with the knowledge of the present, whose adherents 
tell us that never before now were there experts so capable of 
expounding history, and of drawing from it profitable lessons, 
and this mainly, because as they assert, there were never be- 
fore such critical linguists and such skilled grammarians. But 
these persons forget that the mere grammarian, whose 
subtlety of observation enables him to write volumes on the 
particles of a language, has for more than a thousand years 
shown himself to be puerile in attempts to expound the 
philosophy of history, or to show the relation of the present 
to the past in respect to government. But our republican 
fathers were equal to the task of making a thorough survey of 
history in order to draft the Federal Constitution, gathering 
material from the ancient States of Greece : the rise and fall 
of the Roman and Greek Empires : the modern States of 
Europe : and the evolution of the British Constitution : select- 
ing what is best, and avoiding former errors, as that of the 
union of Church and State. Thus was brought out, what is 
truly the American Idea ; for the preservation of which in 
force, we discover every day fresh occasion to contend. 

An illustration of what is called progress in certain quarters 
is found in a recent number of the Twentieth Century, pub- 



14 

lished in New York, whose confessed aim is to overthrow the 
doctrines and institutions of social conservatives ; to show that 
the acknowledgment of the being of God is unnecessary : that 
the Federal Constitution ought to be abolished : that each 
presidential inauguration makes it more apparent that the 
time has come when we should begin to think of doing without 
a president, because he is useless, his election disturbing to 
business and detrimental to morals : and that there is no need 
of either President or Senate, so that both should be abolished 
as soon as possible. The motive of this vaunted progress is 
undisguised. It consists in the hatred of all righteous author- 
ity. It begins with denying the being and authority of God, 
and ends with the abolition of all human authority resting on 
moral sanctions, that it may bring about the condition of social 
anarchy, and the lawlessness of licentious liberty. The refuta- 
tion of these errors and misconceptions, is found in the life and 
labors of the men who constituted our State. To them it 
must be necessary to refer as to the fundamental principles of 
the American Idea, in order to perpetuate it, and maintain 
true progress. We must oppose all schemes intended to sub- 
vert the American Idea, whether coming from anarchists and 
infidelity, or from Ecclesiastical domination, and see to it that 
our system of education shall furnish the knowledge necessary 
for citizenship in the republic. 

We do well to welcome those who come here from other 
lands to share our blessings, and to maintain our American 
Idea through which these blessings are secured. 

Let the Norwegian come from his snowy cliff ; the Holland- 
er from repairing his dykes; the Swiss from pulling his 
medicinal herbs that fringe his mountains of eternal ice ; him 
whom the morning wakes among the dews and flowers of 
Lombardy ; the Irishman from his beautiful lakes of Killarney ; 
the gay Parisian and the facile Frenchman from whatever 
quarter, and the toiling persistent German — let all come that 
will to share our blessing and privilege : but let them come 
eager to learn the method by which our blessing and privilege 
have been secured, and with the determination to transmit 
this method on this soil to future generations. If they come 



15 

here to escape the bondage of the old world, let it be to main- 
tain the righteous liberty of the new. And to insure the 
proper instruction for this in our schools, let the study of our 
Federal Constitution be indispensable. This requirement is 
both suggested and enforced by this day's observance. 

We commemorate the inauguration of our first president, 
but that event is inseparable from the Constitution. We can- 
not commemorate the one without the other. It is, therefore, a 
lesson of the hour, as well as a lesson suited to the times, that 
the history of the United States as illustrating the Constitu- 
tion, without important omission, prevarication or delusion, 
shall be taught in every school, public or private. For while 
the Constitution in its far-reaching associations as the source of 
statutory law, and the power of administration, is a subject of 
such magnitude as to task the mightiest intellects of ample 
culture ; it is at the same time capable of being presented in a 
text-book with such illustration and reference, pointing out it s 
safeguards against anarchy on the one hand, and despotism on 
the other, so as to be adapted to the use of our schools. The 
Constitution is the palladium of our liberty, therefore, that it 
may preserve our liberty let it be taught in the course of all 
the schools a? an essential preparation for the duties of citizen- 
ship, and let whoever, or whatever may oppose this instruction, 
be counted as an enemy of the republic. If it is essential 
under a monarchy, or oligarchy, that the governing class shall 
be instructed from youth in all that relates to the government 
and its institutions, then it must follow that in a government 
by the people, they should be instructed from youth so they 
may be prepared to use the franchise in support of the Con- 
stitution. For one, I shall be surprised if this measure is not 
pressed with more urgency in the immediate future, than ever 
before. The solution of some of the questions which now 
agitate our schools, seems to lie largely in this direction. 

But when we have found our duty to the State by careful 
inquiry, when we have learned our rights with daring to main- 
tain them, let us not forget the God of our Fathers, from whom 
they received their efficiency, and on whom we and they who 
shall come after us must depend for that Providence which 



16 

adapts all tilings for the accomplishment of great results, and 
through which we hope for the preservation of the republic 
for the honor of God, and the good of man. 

And when another century shall have finished its course, and 
we have all departed to another sphere, may there be found 
here to commemorate the day, a generation of faithful children 
of the republic, " high-minded men " as those who constituted 
the State, penetrated with a solemn sense of the infinite 
grandeur of all human relations and obligations, unseduced by 
political fictions, trusting in God, and stained with no trace of 
falsehood or servitude. 



In accordance with the proclamation of President Harrison 
calling on the people of the United States to observe ap- 
propriately the one hundredth anniversary of the inauguration 
of our First President, George Washington, upon the invita- 
tion of the Parish Committee of the First Parish in Beverly, 
that being the Parish first organized in this town, a number of 
citizens representing the several churches in town, met, and 
having requested the Rev. Orpheus T. Lanphear, D. D., to 
deliver an address, chose a committee consisting of Messrs. 
James A. Marsters, Rev. Orpheus T. Lanphear, D. D. and Rev. 
William E. Strong, and this committee made arrangements 
for a union service which was held in the First Parish Meet- 
ing-house on the morning of Tuesday, April 80, A. D. 1889, 
at nine o'clock, at which service the order of exercises was as is 
presented in the following pages. 




ORDER OF SER VICE. 



1. CHORAL, Dr. Martin Luther 

A mighty fortress is our God, 

A bulwark never failing ; 
Our helper he amid the flood 

Of mortal ills prevailing. 
For still our ancient foe 
Doth seek to work us woe ; 
His craft and power are great ; 
And, armed with cruel hate, 

On earth is not his equal. 

Did we in our own strength confide, 
Our striving would be losing, 

Were not the right man on our side, — 
The man of God's own choosing. 

Dost ask who that may be ? 

Christ Jesus, it is he; 

Lord saboath his name, 

From age to age the same, 
And he must win the battle. 



That word above all earthly powers - 
No thanks to them abideth ; 

The spirit and the gifts are ours, 
Through Him who with us sideth. 

Let goods and kindred go, 

This mortal life also ; 

The body they may kill, 

God's truth abideth still, 
His kingdom is forever. 

(17) 



18 

II INVOCATION AND THE LORD'S PRAYER, 

Rev. FRANK I. WHEAT, Minister of the Second Congregational 

Church. 

III. INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS, 

Rev. SHERROD SOULE, Minister of the Dane Street Church. 

IV. HYMN, Smith 

Tune, AMERICA. 

1. My country ! 'tis of thee, 
Sweet land of liberty, 

Of thee I sing ; 
Land where my fathers died ! 
Land of the Pilgrim's pride ! 
From every mountain side 
Let freedom ring ! 

'2. My native country, thee — 
Land of the noble, free, 

Thy name I love ; 
I love thy rocks and rills, 
Thy woods and templed hills ; 
My heart with rapture thrills 

Like that above. 

3. Our fathers' God ! to thee, 
Author of liberty, 

To thee we sing : 
Long may our land be bright 
With freedom's holy light ; 
Protect us by thy might, 

Great God our King ! 

V. READING OF SCRIPTURES, — Deuteronomy 8. 

Rev. LYMAN D. BRAGG, Minister of the Avenue Methodist 
Episcopal Church. 



19 

HYMN OF PEACE, .... Keller 

1. Angel of Peace, thou hast wandered too lone: ! 

Speed thy white wings to the sunshine of love ! 
Come while our voices are blended in song, — 

Fly to our ark like the storm-beaten dove ! 
Fly to our ark on the wings of the dove. 

Spread o'er the far sounding billows of song, 
Crowned with thine olive-leat garland of love, 

Angel of Peace, thou hast waited too long ! 

2. Brothers we meet, on this altar of thine, 

Mingling the gifts we have gathered for thee, 
Sweet with the odors of myrtle and pine, 

Breeze of the prairie and breath of the sea, 
Meadow and mountain, and forest and sea ! 

Sweet is the fragrance of myrtle and pine, 
Sweeter the incense we offer to Thee, 

Brothers once more round this altar of Thine ! 

3. Angels of Bethlehem answer the strain ! 

Hark ! a new birth-song is filling the sky ! 
Loud as the storm- wind that tumbles the main, 

Bid the full breath of the organ reply, 
Let the loud tempest of voices reply. — 

Roll its long surge like the earth-shaking main ! 
Swell the vast song till it mounts to the sky ! 

Angels of Bethlehem, echo the strain ! 

VI. PRAYER, 

Rev. ELLERY C. BUTLER, Minister of the First Parish Church. 

VII. HYMN, .... Bacon 

Tune, DUKE STREET. 

1. O God, beneath thy guiding hand, 

Our exiled fathers crossed the sea, 
And when they trod the wintry strand, 

With prayer and praise they worshiped thee. 



20 

2. Thou heardst, well-pleased, the song, the prayer — 

Thy blessing came ; and still its power 
Shall onward through all ages bear 
The memory of that holy hour. 

3. Laws, freedom, truth and faith in God, 

Came with those exiles o'er the waves. 
And where their pilgrim feet have trod, 
The God they trusted guards their graves. 

4. And here thy name, God of love, 

Their children's children shall adore, 
Till these eternal hills remove, 

And spring adorns the earth no more. 

VIII. ADDRESS, .... 

By ORPHEUS T. LANPHEAR, D. D. 

IX. HYMN, .... Welford 

Tune, DUNDEE. 

1. Oh, guard our shore from every foe, 

With peace our border bless, 
With prosperous times our cities crown, 
Our fields with plenteousness. 

2. Unite us in the sacred love 

Of knowledge, truth and thee ; 
And let our hills and valleys shout 
The songs of liberty. 

3. Here may religion pure and mild, 

Smile on our Sabbath hours : 
And piety and virtue bless 
The house of us and ours. 

4. Lord of the nations, thus to thee 

Our country we commend ; 
Be thou her refuge and her trust, 
Her everlasting friend. 

X. BENEDICTION, .... 

Rev. ELLERY C. BUTLER, Minister of the First Parish Church. 



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